South Africa was colonized by the English and Dutch in the seventeenth century. English domination of the Dutch descendents (known as Boers or Afrikaners) resulted in the Dutch establishing the new colonies of Orange Free State and Transvaal. The discovery of diamonds in these lands around 1900 resulted in an English invasion which sparked the Boer War. Following independence from England, an uneasy power-sharing between the two groups held sway until the 1940's, when the Afrikaner National Party was able to gain a strong majority. Strategists in the National Party invented apartheid as a means to cement their control over the economic and social system. Initially, aim of the apartheid was to maintain white domination while extending racial separation. Starting in the 60's, a plan of ``Grand Apartheid'' was executed, emphasizing territorial separation and police repression.

With the enactment of apartheid laws in 1948, racial discrimination was institutionalized. Race laws touched every aspect of social life, including a prohibition of marriage between non-whites and whites, and the sanctioning of ``white-only'' jobs. In 1950, the Population Registration Act required that all South Africans be racially classified into one of three categories: white, black (African), or colored (of mixed decent). The coloured category included major subgroups of Indians and Asians. Classification into these categories was based on appearance, social acceptance, and descent. For example, a white person was defined as ``in appearance obviously a white person or generally accepted as a white person.'' A person could not be considered white if one of his or her parents were non-white. The determination that a person was ``obviously white'' would take into account ``his habits, education, and speech and deportment and demeanor.'' A black person would be of or accepted as a member of an African tribe or race, and a colored person is one that is not black or white. The Department of Home Affairs (a government bureau) was responsible for the classification of the citizenry. Non-compliance with the race laws were dealt with harshly. All blacks were required to carry ``pass books'' containing fingerprints, photo and information on access to non-black areas.

In 1951, the Bantu Authorities Act established a basis for ethnic government in African reserves, known as ``homelands.'' These homelands were independent states to which each African was assigned by the government according to the record of origin (which was frequently inaccurate). All political rights, including voting, held by an African were restricted to the designated homeland. The idea was that they would be citizens of the homeland, losing their citizenship in South Africa and any right of involvement with the South African Parliament which held complete hegemony over the homelands. From 1976 to 1981, four of these homelands were created, denationalizing nine million South Africans. The homeland administrations refused the nominal independence, maintaining pressure for political rights within the country as a whole. Nevertheless, Africans living in the homelands needed passports to enter South Africa: aliens in their own country.

In 1953, the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed, which empowered the government to declare stringent states of emergency and increased penalties for protesting against or supporting the repeal of a law. The penalties included fines, imprisonment and whippings. In 1960, a large group of blacks in Sharpeville refused to carry their passes; the government declared a state of emergency. The emergency lasted for 156 days, leaving 69 people dead and 187 people wounded. Wielding the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act, the white regime had no intention of changing the unjust laws of apartheid.

The apartheid policy was highly effective of achieving its goal of preferential treatment for whites, as is demonstrated by the statistics in Figure 1.

More than any other single technological advancement, the computer fostered the concentration of administrative power in the hands of Africa's white elite. [NAR82]

We are entirely dependent on the U.S. The economy would grind to a halt without access to the computer technology of the West. No bank could function; the government couldn't collect its money and couldn't account for it; business couldn't operate; payrolls could not be paid. Retail and wholesale marketing and related services would be disrupted. [NAR82]

The extensive history of the export of American computer technology began in 1952 with an order for the first "electric tabulator" to IBM-South Africa. Three years later, the streamlining of the hated pass system resulted in an automated population register implemented on foreign computers. 1970 found South Africa with an estimated four hundred computers -- a value of about one hundred million dollars. The number of computers continued to grow, totaling more than forty five hundred in 1982. In 1977, only the U.S. and Britain spent more on computer technology than South Africa as a percentage of gross national product, while in 1980, 75% of the computers in South Africa were purchased from American corporations. South Africa continued to import a large number of computers despite an attempt by the government to promote domestic production. Local products accounted for less than 5% of South African computer equipment sales in 1988. Many of these sales occured despite restrictions in U.S. law.

American corporation IBM was the largest computer supplier in South Africa throughout the years of apartheid. In 1978 alone, IBM's South African sales jumped 250%; total annual sales amounted to approximately three hundred million dollars in 1982. Not only did IBM contribute tremendous computing power to the South African apartheid system, but of the fifteen hundred South African workers employed by IBM in 1982, less than 20% were classified as coloured, black or Asian. IBM continually asserted that the applications of their computers were not used to abridge human rights, despite acknowledgment that the uses to which their computers were put could not be known in all cases. In fact, the South African Parliament made it illegal for companies to report the uses of their computers. Although IBM officially divested from South Africa in 1987, their products continued to be distributed by Information Services Group.

We will first consider the sale of computers to the South African government, followed by an investigation of sales to the police, then to the military. The number of computers used by the government is not to be underestimated: the government absorbed 41% of all South African computer sales in 1986. Even if thesesales were made to "non-repressive" agencies, or sold for supposedly "non-repressive" purposes, the technology contributed to the repressive system for two reasons. First, the computers were often used for purposes other than the expressed intentions. Second, the government was extremely highly centralized and tightly controlled in order to protect the "sovereignty" of the country.

The significance of the role of U.S. computers in S.A. [was] not restricted to their use by repressive agencies of the government. [Leo80]

It is likely that the tool which made the most crucial contribution to the system of apartheid was the computerized population register. The Plural Affairs Department maintained the passbook system on the more than twenty five million Africans defined as black. These records were all kept electronically on British-made ICL hardware. The Department of the Interior maintained the "Book of Life" files on the other seven million citizens classified as non-blacks using an IBM hardware system. The passbook records included data on "racial classification", name, sex, date of birth, residence, photo, marital status, drivers license, dates of departure from and return to the country, place of work or study, and fingerprints. One South African described the population register at work as,

Computers flashing out reference numbers, photocopies relayed by telephone, perhaps even instant transmission of fingerprints-all to keep track of members of the population. Sounds like George Orwell's 1984, doesn't it? Well it's South Africa's way of modernizing and streamlining its pass and influx control system. [NAR82]

The main purpose of the population registry was administration of the influx control system, a system which channeled needed black workers into the labor force to be exploited, and confined others to the desolate homelands. The passbooks, which every black person was automatically given at the age of sixteen, coupled with the computer database, guaranteed one's instant identification and one's history of government opposition. If these passbooks were properly endorsed, the owner had the right to work or live in "white areas", and lack of these endorsements or failure to produce the passbook resulted in arrest and jail. Many were detained for months at a time without a trial and their families were not given notification of their whereabouts.

The Bantu boards were the local branches of the minority government for the black townships, which ran the housing for black workers, known as the hostel system, as well as the Bantu tax system. It also administered a complicated system of permits and controls which governed the movement of blacks. This system broke down the structure of the African family, as the workers were prohibited from living with their families. Rent and taxes were significantly higher for blacks than for whites in other districts, leaving the workers with very little on which to subsist. This system is little different from organized slavery. Virtually all the computers used in the Bantu Boards were of foreign origin. In 1982, the East Rand Bantu Administration Board, a board located near Johannesburg, rented computers for which they paid R228,000 per year, a sum totaling over one fourth of what it spent on housing for blacks in an average year. These computers were used for financial matters and registered blacks for the labor allocation system.

The Department of Justice used imported computer equipment , which implicitly sanctioned police violence and torture against opponents of apartheid, both black and white. The Department of Prisons held political prisoners without trial, and used an IBM computer for "financial" purposes. The Department of Prisons used two Data General Nova computers. The Department of Labor controlled the terms and conditions of work under apartheid, i.e., no black worker could supervise a white worker, black trade unions were not recognized, and most strikes were illegal. Computer equipment was also used in the Department of the Prime Minister, the South African Reserve Bank, South Africa's electrical utility, and the Treasury Department. The South African police made active use of the population registry. In 1982, they examined 179,285 fingerprints stored in the population registry, making 13,024 positive identifications. Eight hundred and fifty thousand queries were made at display screens.

Using remote terminal links, police operators at regional centers around the country [had] immediate access to a secret criminal data bank which stores details about anyone on the government's wanted list. [Slo90]

Given the mission of the private police industry, its allegiance with Pretoria's police, military and other state departments, and given the complete lack of procedural rights and safeguards for non-whites, it would be naive to assume that U.S. security and surveillance gear sold in S.A. is not used as a tool of repression. [NAR82]

As the largest arm of the government, the bulk of the computer equipment purchased by the state undoubtedly found its way into the various military branches despite the fact that the military was the express target of the U.N. sanctions. The military utilized advanced equipment not only in its invasion and occupation of Namibia, but also in the Total War against its people. The South African Defense Force had six major computing centers; these computers were used to analyze battlefield data, guide weapons, transport equipment, and send notices to draftees. Computers were used at the Silvermine naval database to monitor naval movements around the coast of South Africa, in the Air Force's early-warning radar system, and in satellite communications. A majority, if not all, of the components of these systems were of foreign origin.

One reason for the military's dependence on computers was the severe personnel shortage, since only whites were drafted. The ratio of front-line soldiers to support troops was 1:1.3; the norm is at least 1:3. Computers enabled the support of the front lines, and were also integral to many weapons used on the front lines.

The speed of modern warfare necessitates support and help from several staff officers. It is impossible to keep up with a lean mobile force unless you use a computer. [Slo90]

The evidence in the two sections above leave little doubt that apartheid was immoral. It was a living vestige of the colonial racism that emanated from Europe in the early days of Imperialism. In modern times, power structures that sustain racism have come under close scrutiny. History has shown that systematically disempowered classes eventually rise to right the imbalance, frequently "by any means necessary." The historical development and natural wealth of South Africa had combined to support a political anomaly, a contemporary country caught in the morals of Imperial Europe.

The interesting ethical consideration in the case of apartheid is not whether the system itself was right or wrong, but rather what the ethical stand of the governments, corporations and people outside South Africa was and what it should have been. In this section we discuss international reactions to South Africa, particularly with regards to its use of computer technology.

As explained in section three, computers were key components in the machinery of apartheid. Since whites were a tiny majority, they employed technology extensively to support control of the majority. It follows that if the computing resources of South Africa had been withdrawn then apartheid would have fallen, or at least been mitigated.

In the late 1970's through the 80's, a spirit of collective responsibility as well as cold war politics compelled nations to take actions against South Africa - to pressure the South African government to clean up its act. The U.N. issued a series of declarations urging member states to embargo South Africa:

• 1977: The United Nations issues the mandatory arms embargo on South Africa. The U.N. asks member states "to cease forthwith any provision to South Africa of arms and related materials of all types."[Slo90] Note that this declaration does not mention computers.
• 1980: A U.N. committee charged with strengthening the South African arms embargo tells the Security Council that

  states should prohibit the export to South Africa of dual-purpose items, i.e. items provided for civilian use but with the potential for diversion or conversion to military use. In particular, they should cease the supply of aircraft, aircraft engines, aircraft parts, electronic and telecommunications equipment and computers to South Africa.[Slo90]

  Here the importance of cutting off South Africa's supply of computers is brought to the Security Council's attention. The Security Council does not act on these recommendations.
• 1985: In July the Security Council finally brings computers into the scope of the embargo. It urges states

  to prohibit all sales of computer equipment that may be used by the South African army and police.[Slo90]

  In September countries belonging to the European Community establish that they will

  cease exports to South Africa of computer equipment which will be used by the police or the military. [Slo90]

  Note that this resolution is substantially weaker than the Security council appeal. The E.C. countries only embargo those goods which are to be used by the military or police, not all those which could be used.
• 1986: The Security Council recommends to member states that they

  prohibit the export to South Africa of items which they have reason to believe are destined for the military and/or police forces of South Africa... [Slo90]

There are two important points concerning these declarations. First, they only embargoed goods destined for the police and military. "Thus classified as civilian material, computers and electronic equipment [were] still being exported to South Africa."[Slo90] Second, the U.N. never took any significant measures to enforce the embargo.

Though well intentioned, the embargo against South Africa was ineffective at stopping the exports. Here we list some of the major problems with the technological embargo:

• Civilian Front Organizations: the embargo only applied to goods destined for the military and/or police. Goods were frequently shipped to South African civilians and then appropriated by the military or police.
• Indirect Channels: some countries participated in the U.N. embargo and some did not. Computer equipment could go from countries that were participating in the embargo such as the U.S. to those that were not, such as Israel and Taiwan, and then onto South Africa.
• Limited Scope: by specifying only the military and police, computer equipment kept flowing to military production facilities and research and development organizations in South Africa.
• Computer Timesharing: the nature of computer technology is such that computers in one place can be used by people at other locations. Computers at non-military and police locations could thereby be used by the military and police through remote hookups. [NAR82]

In the case of South Africa, nations including the United States did not demonstrate a conviction to make the embargo work. We can speculate as to why this was the case. South Africa was a profitable market for computer equipment; multi-national corporations with South African investments became an effective lobbying group against strong enforcement. Unlike the case of the Warsaw Pact countries, South Africa was not perceived as a threat to the U.S. So the main advantage of the South African embargo for the U.S. was to make its human rights policy look good. One group wrote regarding the technological embargo of South Africa:

The embargo is at best a mild irritant to the South Africans. More than anything, it appears to be largely irrelevant to the flow of technology from U.S. suppliers to South African end-users. [NAR82]

Although the sanctions were not effectively enforced by the U.S. government, they provided a basis for voluntary compliance. Compliance was "encouraged" in the U.S. by civil protests magnified by media exposure. Technology and other companies that had substantially dealings with South Africa were embarrassed by the exposure brought to light by student and other activists. The damage to the corporate image had a tangible effect on profitability and so translated the ethical issue into terms that the corporate system is designed to respond to.

How have corporations faired under the new government? Have those companies who were slow to divest suffered retribution? We interviewed two South Africans who were both of the opinion that no negative repercussions have resulted from companies' support of apartheid. This may be because a welcoming investment environment is more important than attempting to punish past wrongs. It will be interesting to see if the multi-national corporations are as eager to invest now that the rigidly controlled cheap labor system is gone. If it remains politically stable, South Africa will remain the richest country in Africa and an attractive market. IBM, seen above as a staunch supporter of it's South African operations until disinvestment in 1987, returned in 1994, acquiring a 51% share of Information Services Group's parent company, Information Services Management.

The turmoil of the years of sanctions, unrest and school boycotts by black children have taken their toll. An entire generation of South Africans in their teens and twenties have been raised without education in the impoverished homelands. The main challenge of the coming decades will be for South Africa to educate and incorporate this lost generation into society before it becomes a destabilizing force. This is a direct consequence of the poor enforcement of sanctions.

The case of apartheid highlights several of the unique aspects of computer ethics as well as aspects of how the large social ethical battles are fought:

• Flexibility: Many tools developed for innocuous purposes in democratic societies could be utilized for repression with little or no customization.
• Ubiquitousness: The sanctions were ineffectual since they didn't blanket every aspect of imported technology, and many imports could be redirected for government work.
• Enabling: Computers are an enabling technology. What they enable can be well beyond what the creators of the technology envisioned.
• Individual action: In the final analysis, it was the actions of individuals that forced ethics to be considered by the international community. Even in this clear-cut case, corporations and governments were seen to be driven by economic concerns first, and ethical issues second. It was the lobbying within companies by concerned employees and stockholders, and the protests without companies by students and activists, that provided the motivation to do the right thing.
• Laws legitimate ethics: One of the reasons that concerned individuals and groups were able to effectively pressure companies was that they could point to laws on the books and show how the companies' actions were against the spirit of the law. Even though the U.S. government was not enforcing its embargo, the law still was useful because provided a foundation for individual action.